Category: People

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Health Communication People

Don’t Be A ‘Covidiot’

The title of this editorial comes from this particular tweet on the official Twitter page of the League of India:

The prime minister, in a televised address to the nation, announced a ‘Janata Curfew’ from 7 am to 9 pm Sunday, 22 March, to stop the spread of coronavirus that has already claimed four lives in the country and infected at least 169 others.

“Under ‘Janata Curfew’ no one will go out of their houses. It will also prepare us for the forthcoming days,” said PM Modi, hinting that such isolation drives could be essential in future to stop the spread of COVID19.

The PM’s appeal to the nation follows a global trajectory wherein, to stop the spread of coronavirus, health officials have instructed the public to practice social distancing — staying home, avoiding crowds and refraining from touching one another.

Social distancing includes ways to stop or slow the spread of infectious diseases. It means less contact between you and other people.

Social distancing is deliberately increasing the physical space between people to avoid spreading illness.

Staying at least six feet away from other people lessens your chances of catching COVID-19.

Why? When someone coughs or sneezes they spray small liquid droplets from their nose or mouth which may contain the virus. If you are too close, you can breathe in the droplets, including the COVID-19 virus if the person coughing has the disease.

Social distancing is important because COVID-19 is most likely to spread from person to person through:

  • direct close contact with a person while they are infectious or in the 24 hours before their symptoms appeared
  • close contact with a person with a confirmed infection who coughs or sneezes, or
  • touching objects or surfaces (such as door handles or tables) contaminated from a cough or sneeze from a person with a confirmed infection, and then touching your mouth or face.

So, the more space between you and others, the harder it is for the virus to spread.

It is worth reminding ourselves again that COVID-19 is very contagious (an infected person will infect 2 to 2.5 others on average, versus about 1.3 others with the flu), and there is evidence that people who have only mild symptoms or no symptoms at all are helping spread the disease.

That makes it more difficult to contain and is partly why we are taking such aggressive social isolation tactics: We cannot always be sure who has the virus, and we don’t want to risk it being passed along unwittingly to a more vulnerable person.

Since emerging from Wuhan, China, in late 2019, the coronavirus has spread to more than 150 countries.

To date, it has infected over 221,000 people globally, according to data compiled by Johns Hopkins University, with 8,966 deaths.

As there is no vaccine available for the coronavirus at present and testing remains relatively limited in many countries, the WHO has stressed the need for citizens to take collective action. Collective action includes ‘social distancing’.

At the base of those ‘collective actions’ lies the first target for health administrations globally viz., to ‘flatten the curve’ of the spread.

The ‘curve’ refers to the projected number of new cases over a period of time.

In contrast to a steep rise of coronavirus infections, a more gradual uptick of cases will see the same number of people get infected, but without overburdening the healthcare system at any one time.

The idea of flattening the curve is to stagger the number of new cases over a longer period, so that people have better access to care.

That is all that the government is asking from us. It is merely asking us to sit at home and be with our loved ones. Not too much, right? So, let’s not be ‘Covidiots’.

 

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Featured Foreign Policy Association (US) Indian Subcontinent Journalism People

Repatriation Still a Far Cry in Bhutan: Exiled Journo

Evicted from Bhutan at the age of 11, Vidhyapati Mishra spent two decades in U.N.-funded Bhutanese refugee camp in eastern Nepal before resettling in the United States. Just a week before his departure from Nepal to Charlotte of North Carolina, self-learned journalist Mishra also featured in the New York Times with his powerful narrative story exposing the other side of the Bhutan’s gross national happiness.

In conversation with Anshuman Rawat, he talks about the plight of exiled Bhutanese and the prospects of their repatriation:
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Vidhyapati-Mishra-small-300x300-150x150Your story plays on a note that is very different from the happy piece of music that the world associates with Bhutan. Can you inform our readers of Bhutan’s lost narrative about the pain and displacement of nearly one-sixth of its people – including your own family?

Like the United States of America, Bhutan is a country of immigrants. Among other ethnic groups, the Nepali-speaking citizens, whom the regime called as Lhotshampas, are the only people that Bhutan accepted for permanent settlement through formal written agreement with Nepal. The first lot of Nepalese had arrived in Bhutan in 1624. The migration of these people into Bhutan started after the formal agreement between the then rulers of Bhutan and Gorkha (now Nepal). However, the Bhutanese rulers treated them as second-class citizens until they were accepted as citizens by granting citizenship certificates in 1958.

The citizenship act of 1958 became the basis for evicting over one-sixth of the country’s population as it willfully divided even members of the same family into various classes, thereby arbitrarily tagging some members as “non-Bhutanese.” The state imposed various policies and mechanisms including martial laws to terrorize and suppress citizens. The government shut down schools, later they were turned into military barracks, where innocent citizens were tortured, women gang-raped and even killed. Lhotshampas and their supporters like Scharlops from eastern Bhutan were unlawfully fired from their jobs, and were refrained from all kinds of public services. Restrictions on Hindu culture and celebration of festivals and were imposed along with a ban on properties sale. The state authority implemented the ‘One Nation, One People Policy’ sternly warning all citizens to follow just Buddhism. The when such activities became rampant, Lhotsampas and their supporters organized mass protests and demonstrations.

Hundreds of demonstrators were arrested and many killed arbitrarily. The government labeled participants of those mass demonstrations as “anti-national agents,” and were later evicted.  The Royal Bhutan Army (RBA) arrested citizens en mass. They were brought to school-turned-military barracks and tortured inhumanly, forcing them to sign Voluntary Migration Forms (VMFs) in order to leave the homeland by abandoning everything.

RBA arrested my father, and he was tortured in a military barrack for 91 days. When all options to save his life failed, he decided to sign the VMF that gave us an ultimatum of just one week to quit the nation. And, it was the Hobson’s choice for my family to leave the hometown, and accordingly we arrived at Bhutan-India border, from where Indian lorry trucks loaded us and dropped in eastern part of Nepal.

How much of Bhutan’s actions, in your opinion, can be compared with the Buddhist majority aggression against religious minorities in Myanmar and Sri Lanka? In other words, do you believe that a part reason of the plight of the Lhotshampas can be ascribed to a gradual rise of assertive political Buddhism in the region?

The Buddhist majority aggressions against religious minorities in Myanmar and Sri Lank do have some common parallels. However, Bhutan’s intention to create purely a Buddhist state by evicting majority of Hindu citizens has different version.  It simply wants a typical Buddhist society without the existence of other religions like Hinduism or Christianity.  As even claimed by regional analysts, the Bhutanese regime was not happy with growing number of Nepali-speaking citizens in public services and educational opportunities availed by Lhotshampas, who are hardworking and patriotic by nature. Further, democratic movements in Indian territories operated by Indian Nepalese added more fears to the regime, and eventually exercised the ethnic cleaning. But, Bhutan clearly knows that the suppressed groups like Lhotshampas and Scharlops are not fighting for a separate state or power capture, but what they want is justice, equality and same participation as enjoyed by the ruling elites in the national building process.

What is the current status of the issue in terms of internationally accepted statistics about the number of refugees, their locations and the means of sustenance?

According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) that has been overseeing the ongoing third country resettlement, the agency has received over 100,000 submissions for resettlement. Of them, over 80,000 refugees have already started leading new lives in various western countries. The United States of America has alone accepted over 65,000 persons, and even assured of accepting more. Canada and Australia have ranked second and third respectively in accepting refugees for resettlement. Similarly, New Zealand, Denmark, Norway, Netherlands and the United Kingdom have also resettled the Bhutanese refugees, but their number in each country is below 1,000. Each country has its own legal provisions for ensuring sustenance of humanitarian immigrants like refugees. They receive cash, housing and material supports for a certain period, which could be months or years depending on circumstances. The refugees become acquainted with the new environment and society, eventually start entry-level jobs, and plan their education, and career. It is a matter of pride that some of those who were resettled in early 2008 have already become citizens in America and Australia.

India can, arguably, do the most about the issue. But given its historical and special relations with Bhutan, do you ever see it taking a tough stand? What can force India to do that?

In various occasions, refugees trying to enter into Bhutan through India were blocked, detained and even killed. India has direct hand in dumping the refugees in Nepal by loading them in its lorry trucks while they were driven out of Bhutan in 1990s. Miraculously, India doesn’t allow refugees to use the same route for returning home now. India, one of the bystanders to the atrocities in Bhutan, in fact keeps on supporting regime, which is of crucial concern not only for the refugees, but also for the international community. The resettled refugees from various western countries should make their voices aloud and urge India to assist in repatriation of willing refugees from Nepal, and abroad. The Indian media, and civil society could be other powers for pressing the Indian government as regards to repatriation of Bhutanese refugees with dignity and honor.

Outside the region, how would you describe the efforts of the Lhotshampas to get their rights? Also, what has been the response of and actions, if any, by the international community?

The repeated failures of refugees to enter Bhutan have evoked frustrations among them, who were later compelled to abandon all campaigns by choosing to start new life in the West through their resettlement. This has empowered the regime, to a greater extent, for becoming more rigid towards the refugees’ calls for dignified return. The Bhutanese authorities always wanted to shadow the issue of repatriation, and resettlement package has helped them achieved this. This is why the so-called democratic government of Bhutan has turn deaf ears to genuine demands of the refugees. The government’s version on repatriation has still remained intact. Around 80,000 Nepali-speaking citizens are deprived of citizenship certificates, and voter’s identity cards inside the country that prepares to hold the second general elections later this year. For those citizens, their fellow friends in refugee camps are more privileged as they can opt to begin their new lives in developed western countries. On the other way, the resettlement has also helped Bhutanese refugees to expose all forms of atrocities the regime carried out in early and late 1990s while carrying out a well-perpetrated mass exodus, and educate the international community. The failure of the international community in convincing Bhutan to accept its citizens back home has given enough rooms for refugees to make a judgment that their dreams to return to their homeland are shattered due to the third country resettlement program.

Finally, what do you think are the prospects for repatriation?

Several rounds of high-level bilateral talks between governments of Bhutan and Nepal yielded no better results at end of the day. Bhutan continued applying numerous delaying tactics in the name of repatriation. Until recently, the Bhutanese government maintained that it was serious towards repatriating its citizens camped in Nepal, yet to no avail. Bhutan continues to play with lies. For the ruling elites in Bhutan, the resettlement has, more or less, resolved the longstanding refugee imbroglio on humanitarian basis. It can’t be denied that the existing model of democracy, defined by the Bhutanese ruling elites to simply suit them, still awaits major transformations to an inclusive citizens’ platform. This is possible only through major political changes, aimed at bringing ongoing state-sponsored suppressions on ethnic and religious groups to an end. Citing Bhutan’s continued lies; it’s indeed going to be a big miracle if by any chance repatriation takes place. I must not be wrong to mention here that the repatriation of exiled Bhutanese is still a far cry.

The article first appeared on the Foreign Policy Association blogs network site here

 

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Asia360 News (Singapore) India Journalism People

Anshuman Rawat Interviews Nitin Gadkari

President of Indian opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Nitin Gadkari believes that his party would bring the economy of India back on track by dislodging the present ruling coalition in 2014 elections

Established in 1980, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is India’s second largest political party in terms of representation in the parliament. Occupying the right of centre in the Indian political spectrum, it is a firm believer of free market economics and capitalism.

But defeats in successive elections in 2004 and 2009 seem to have sown seeds of doubt in its economic thinking and posture. And it hurts to be seen as a market friendly party in a nation that has the largest share of the world’s poor.

The party, which has always been a faithful ally of corporations and businesses in India, talks more about pro-poor growth and an economy based on social inclusion.

The most recent and visible example of its about-face was its vehement opposition to foreign investment in the multi billion dollar retail sector in December 2011, though BJP had itself favoured the liberalisation when it was in power in the early 2000s.

Asia360 News’ Anshuman Rawat speaks to Nitin Gadkari, President of the BJP about the Indian economy and his party’s economic plans for the country.

Asia360 News: You have said recently that BJP would dislodge the ruling government “to bring the country back on the path of economic growth.” What do you think is wrong with the economic policies of the current government?

Nitin Gadkari: I had written a comprehensive letter to the Honourable Prime Minister (Manmohan Singh) in January about the state of India’s economy. Let me share with you some of the thoughts that I shared with him.

The Indian economy is in complete mess today. There is virtual stagflation. Inflation has been hovering around 10% for the past two years, with food inflation above 12% during past two weeks. There seems to be no respite at all. The worst affected have been the poor.

On the growth front, there is a continued deceleration in output growth, while industrial production grew at a pitiful rate of 3.8% in July, the lowest in 21 months.

The figures are even more disappointing on the investment front. New investments in the country fell from 7.2 lakh crore rupees (US$145.5 billion) in April-June 2010 to 2.6 lakh crore rupees in July-September 2011, according to the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE).  This is a decline of 64% in one year.

Output of capital goods declined by 15.2% in July. Compared to a growth of 4.7% in August 2010, it grew only by 3.9% in the same month this year.  The repercussions of this on the economy are very evident and the long-term impact is going to be disastrous.

Asia360 News: If voted to power in 2014, what does the BJP propose to do to bring about a change in the current state of affairs?

NG: The BJP is developing an ‘India Vision Document 2025’. We have formed the team of experts, technocrats, economist and thinkers to deliberate and discuss our action plan for next 20 years.

We have formed small sub groups on more than 35 verticals such as Agriculture, Rural Development, Power, Infrastructure, Health, Primary Education, Higher Education, Irrigation, Women & Child Development, Environment, Urban Development, Non Conventional energy, Bio Fuels, God Governance, and Internal & External Security etc.

But most importantly, in a country where majority of people live in the villages, we would bring dignity to our villagers. This country has ignored agriculture and irrigation, with the result that poverty in the villages driven a good percentage of population to the cities. Cities do not have the infrastructure to deal with the influx as they are breaking at the seams. We propose to create quality infrastructure in rural areas.

Equally, we propose to have a sustainable philosophy of development. Realising that an increased demand of energy would be staring at us even as the reserves of fossil fuels deplete, the BJP would give a push to technologies that will use bio fuels and other alternatives.

Asia360 News: Which are the five key economic proposals that the BJP would to look to implement first, if it comes to power in 2014?

NG: We at the BJP believe that we can achieve 10% sustainable growth, which will not only benefit the industries but also create employment opportunities to millions of people in India.

To achieve that, I believe the biggest intervention is required in the field of agriculture.  India should aim at achieving at least 4% agriculture growth over a long period. Improvement in agriculture situation in India will not only benefit this large population but will also enable them to consume more products and avail various services. This will have a positive impact on industrial and service sector as well.

I strongly feel diversification of agriculture towards energy and power sector holds key to change scenario of agriculture sector in India.

Second, creating world-class infrastructure is a prerequisite for promoting investments and industrial development. NDA government in 1998 embarked on one of the most ambitious National Highways Development Programmes anywhere in the world. We need to think about such ambitious projects in the areas of railways, inland waterways, ports and airports etc. to overcome infrastructure deficit. It will reduce transaction costs for the businesses.

Third, the BJP would pursue the agenda of education and skill development in mission mode. Private sector can play an important role in this. Out of box ideas like the scheme of distributing free bicycles to school going girls in Madhya Pradesh and Bihar by the respective state governments has done wonders in improving the enrolments and reducing dropouts substantially.

Fourth, I firmly believe that for the sustainable development “going green” is the only option. We will have to focus on renewable energy like solar, wind etc. to generate electricity. We will have to invest in the green technologies for our industrial sector.

Finally, and most importantly, I firmly believe that (economic) reform process is irreversible and the fast economic growth it has led to has actually pulled millions of Indians out of poverty. The BJP support reforms so that hassle free procedures for the businesses to operate and flourish are created.

Asia360 News: Do you believe that BJP’s opposition to the FDI in multi-brand retail might hurt its image of a business friendly party in the eyes of foreign investors? Do you believe it would hamper India’s growth story?

NG: It would be unfair to call BJP anti reforms. The 1999-2004 BJP government was at the forefront of reforms process in India. It had in fact initiated many path-breaking reforms in the form of disinvestment, telecom policies etc.

I think the world needs to understand that every country, while contributing to global growth, has to protect the interests of its own people.
The Indian economy, at present, is dominated by the services sector, which accounts for 58% of India’s GDP. Retail chains, both small and big, make a major chunk of that sector.

At the same time, self-employment in India is the single largest source of jobs. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) agencies with deep pockets entering this segment will have an adverse impact on our domestic retail sector. It would be a bad move at a time when the domestic retail sector is growing anyway.

Asia360 News: Asia is growing faster than any other region of the world. Does the BJP have a separate vision for the continent, especially with regards China and regional bodies like ASEAN?

NG: India’s “Look East” policy was given impetus during the BJP-led regime under Vajpayee, who during his six-year tenure practically visited all the ASEAN countries to promote bilateral cooperation in the economic and cultural fields.

The BJP continues to attach highest priority to its relations with all the Southeast Asian countries with whom India has maintained centuries’ old cultural and spiritual ties.

As the two fastest growing economies, India and China hold great potential for cooperation based on their strong complementarities.

We in the BJP strongly believe that the two Asian giants, together with other ASEAN tigers, should strengthen cooperation and coordination, jointly deal with the challenges, and guard against attempts by the developed countries to shift the burden (of issues like carbon emission) to China, India, ASEAN nations and other developing countries.

At the same time, it is imperative that India and China overcome the existing problems in their bilateral trade such as the trade imbalance, limitations in trade scope and trade mix, and a low level of mutual investment.

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India Journalism People

INTERVIEW: Shantanu Bhagwat

An engineer by training, Shantanu Bhagwat is a one-time diplomat turned venture investor and now advisor, to start-ups.

In a career spanning two decades, Mr. Bhagwat has worked across geographies and industries, including several years in Japan and in the UK. He is a personal investor in several start-ups in India, including Myntra– a personalised gift company, Innovitia – a cutting-edge start-up in transaction processing and Elements Akademia – an innovative national chain of vocational schools.

A graduate in Computer Engineering, Shantanu holds an MBA from London Business School where he was a Chevening Scholar.

These days he divides his time between UK and India, working with early stage companies and on ideas to improve political systems and governance in India.

Anshuman Rawat interviewed him via E-mail about his life as a political activist and his thoughts for a better governed India.

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When and why did you decide to cut down on your life of a global business professional and immerse yourself into ideas aimed at improving political systems and governance in India? At the same time, talking in management terms, does this earnest endeavour-of-heart include an intrinsic exit plan too?

The change happened in the early months of 2008. There were several triggers:

The first was probably the shameful perversion of democracy on the floor of the house on 22nd July. In response to my post on this subject, Sanjeev Sabhlok challenged everyone to either rise and do something about it or shut up.

That shook me to the core. It hurt, probably even more because it was true.

The second trigger were the blasts in Bangalore and Ahmedabad. Ironically, I had been to both these cities just a few days before. But strangely, it did not feel like I had cheated death.

Other events and things happening around me, helped make the decision…I watched with awe and fascination as the Obama campaign changed the paradigm of fund-raising in the US by reaching out at the grassroots…and I began to read about interesting experiments that were happening around “crowd-funding”.

The process was more complex and not quite as straight-forward as what I have outlined above. And of course NONE of this would have been possible without the whole-hearted support and commitment from my wife and family. Without her support, this would have been impossible to do. The whole story is here, for those of your readers who wish to read more about the background to this transformation.

As for an exit plan, there is no exit plan here.

The only exit is a better India – far better than what we have today – a better country with a healthy, prosperous populace that has its basic necessities covered and provides equal opportunities to progress to all its citizens. An India, where in the words of Rabindranath Tagore, “the mind is without fear and the head is held high…”

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How far is the political activist in you from becoming an active politician, one who fights elections i.e.? Or, do you believe that it is not necessary for the former to evolve in to the latter?

I believe the transition from being an “activist” into electoral politics is not a sharp, linear process (after all candidates fighting at elections are activists too).

I believe standing (up) for an election should be a carefully thought-through move and the culmination of a process that necessarily includes developing at least a basic understanding of the issues that plague us, developing an ideological paradigm to frame the issues and having some thoughts on how to confront the major challenges that face our nation.

I wish I could give you a time-frame for the transition but I am unable to.

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A lot of, what seems to be, your angst and earnestness comes out clearly in your blog Satyameva Jayate. Tell us a little about it, especially about its origin and the place it holds in your overall road-map of life from here on?

The story of the blog’s origin is here but very briefly it was a reaction to the feelings and emotions I felt following the attack on Indian Parliament in 2001 and several acts of terrorism since then.

I became convinced that we were fighting an enemy so deadly and so ruthless that our whole value system and the fundamental principles of humanity were at stake.  My early posts led some to the conclusion that I was a “Hindu fascist” – or more charitably, a “neo-conservative”. I am actually neither. I would like to think of myself as a liberal who is prepared to fight to defend his ideals, his beliefs and his principles.

The blog remains my main method of communication. It is my preferred medium for having a dialogue with my readers and expressing my opinion…I have learnt from it enormously…It has been a very rich, intellectually rewarding and deeply satisfying experience. It has also taught me a lot of things – such as patience and being careful with words. You can read more on my lessons from blogging here.

The blog continues to evolve but I believe it will remain an important part of my activities in the years to come.

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Apart from exchanging thoughts via Satyameva Jayate, what are the various ways in which someone can become an active part of your battle against status-quo– both on and offline?

The best way to engage online and become more active is to participate in the Skype conference calls. Live Chats and various events that I host and coordinate periodically.

A lot of events and meetings happen offline too (such as recent meetings in Thiruvananthapuram and Chennai in early December). Almost all of them find a mention on the Facebook page (under the events tab) .

Separately, I am working on an offline initiative that should help us get more active on the ground and increase our sphere of activities. Please stay tuned.

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In your lecture series, you have said that “the root cause of all problems in India is its dysfunctional middle class”. Can you please elaborate on that?

I think Kanchan Gupta put it best. In his article on “Three Myths and an Election”, he wrote  about a middle class that is: “least bothered about corruption in high places, the relentless loot of public money, the sagging physical infrastructure …the repeated terrorist attacks…”

I labelled it as “dysfunctional”. I could not think of a more apt description.

The middle class needs to be at the forefront of this process of change and reform…and I can see some signs of that happening around me. I am optimistic and  I remain hopeful.

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Assuming that the rich have got no stake in changing the status quo and agreeing that it is unreasonable to expect empty stomachs to start a revolution, don’t you think that expecting the middle class to shoulder ALL is akin to making a general quota student sit for an examination not just for his own self, but also on behalf of the one who gets his seat on account of reservation and the one who wrests his seat via capitation money?

The analogy is compelling but not accurate. This is not an examination.

What we are attempting could make the difference between a country that survives, prospers & becomes a model for heterogeneous societies around the world and a country that is breaking apart, in the throes of a civil war, with woeful infrastructure and extremely restive population.

I am afraid that we really have no choice. As my friend Surendra Shrivastava of Loksatta mentioned in an email some days back: “We are not born politicians like many, we are in politics not by choice but because of compulsion”.

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How do you see the make-up and the present state of the Indian democratic landscape – both from the perspective of governance and the various political players?

It is depressing, to be honest – both from the perspective of governance as well as the various entities.

The Congress is a party run by a single family, that is increasingly devoid of any ideology and moving from one populist measure to the next.  The “Left” are on their way to becoming a footnote in India’s political system. And the BJP – although strongly differentiated on policies with the Congress – is unfortunately a confused organization that appears to be unwilling to focus and cannot make up its mind on priorities. It does not help that its leadership appears increasingly bereft of any moral superiority. That said, this is the group that appears to be most amenable to change.  The “Left” will find it hard to jettison their ideology – it is their raison d-etre after all and the Congress (I) will find it next to impossible to become a more “normal” party of several leaders, rather than just one unchallenged head.

About governance, the less said the better! Everything you see around you is  either broken, leaking or does not work. It is the result of poor governance – a large part of which is due to ineffectual leadership and bad choices (in terms of polices).

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Which aspects of the present political system, in your opinion, require urgent revision? How can that be brought about by people like you and me?

Let me briefly enumerate the aspects that need urgent revision and are do-able provided there is sufficient political will:

(a) Stricter monitoring of election expenses and make false declaration a cause for debarring from contesting for 6 years
(b) Mandatory disclosure of source(s) of income of candidates standing for elections
(c) Allowing citizens to vote anywhere in the country (not just permanent place of residence) – with appropriate identification
(d) Mandatory disclosure of audited accounts of political parties and expenses
(e) Constitutional amendment to remove clause demanding adherence to socialism

People like you and me can help create pressure for these changes – by talking about this, discussing these points and writing to their local newspapers, demanding these moves. There are a few other things that people like you and me can do:

(a) Demand accountability from our candidates (by evaluating them against the promises made in their election manifestos)
(b) Vote en-bloc for credible and transparent candidates
(c) Create pressure groups for campaign financing reforms and to reveal source(s) of income of candidates
(d) Push for the “Right to Recall”

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Do you believe that rabid rise of language-induced regionalism (or sub-nationalism) in various Indian states stands endangers the very idea of India? In any scenario, in your opinion, how should we address the issue?

Yes it does. This worries me deeply although I sometimes feel I am in a minority who worry about the “Idea of India”.

I think this notion of identity – what it means to be an Indian – is a question we have never answered satisfactorily. And this is something that we grapple with even today, 60+ years after independence. This is the reason why the havoc caused by rains in TamilNadu does not find any mention in New Delhi just as the news about blockade of Manipur is hidden somewhere in the last pages of a “national” newspaper in Mumbai.

How does one address this issue?

The main thrust has to be on creating a sense of national identity – and promoting shared history through a national curriculum in history and the social sciences. There are a couple of other things that we should consider: Rigorous implementation of the three language formula and promotion and encouragement (including subsidies) to educational exchanges. This topic is far too complex to be dealt with in a few paragraphs though. I hope to have a online discussion on this soon.

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Finally, all the four pillars of Indian democracy seem to be facing credibility crisis owing to corruption scandals of varied nature. How can a ‘non-aligned’ (to any ‘pillar’ or security net) Indian citizen ever believe that he can not only survive the – often fatal – ‘chakraavyuh’ laid by the poisonous concoction of state & non-state actors, but also bring about a change?

We need to believe we can win this battle.

The road we are on is not for the faint-hearted. This is going to be a long battle.

In the words of Shri Chandra Prakash Dwivedi (Director of Chanakya, the serial):

पर ध्यान रहे,
स्वतंत्रता का यह यज्ञ यौवन का बलिदान मांगेगा, स्वार्थ का बलिदान मांगेगा…
और तो और,  जागृत हो रही रण-चंडिका जीवन का बलिदान मांगेगी |

…Bear in mind

The “yagya” of independence will demand sacrifices, it will demand the sacrifice of our selfish desires…And the fierce “Ran-Chandi” that is being aroused will demand we sacrifice our lives.

(loose translation)

But we need to believe we can win…And I firmly believe, we can.

Jai Hind, Jai Bharat!

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Cinema Journalism People

“Zero Percentile is a Story Which has Never been Read Before”

Interview with Neeraj Chhibba, author of ‘Zero Percentile – Missed IIT Kissed Russia‘

The beauty of literature is that it often enables our soul to live something that neither has our body experienced nor has our heart ever breathed before. Unfortunately, very little of what goes in the name of literature these days manages to do that. However, every once in a while, comes something that lifts us from our couches and transports us to an exotic or completely different life. A little bit in this manner:

My taxi arrived at the Shermetyeva Airport. It was not  really a taxi – Russia had developed a unique culture where you could  flag down any passing car and strike a deal at a mutually convenient  price to be dropped off at your destination. The system worked well in  those uncertain times when many car owners converted to drivers-for-hire  to supplement their income. I had even been fortunate enough to travel  in a huge Mercedes 600 once. The owner-turned-driver said he was an  opportunist and never missed the chance to make a quick buck.

Taken from Neeraj Chhibba”s Zero Percentile – Missed IIT Kissed Russia, the paragraph stands for all things interesting about the book. Adding to a fast burgeoning tribe of Indian writers in English, Neeraj comes up with a racy tale of the fascinating adventures of Pankaj, a less favoured son of destiny  across two completely different countries, India and Russia.

And it indeed appeals to both sides of us Indians, one that is rooted to the continuing traditions and the other that is ever so impatient to try out newer shores.

Here”s an interaction with the promising author:

ANSHUMAN RAWAT (AR): Tell us a little about “Zero Percentile – Missed IIT Kissed Russia”.

NEERAJ CHHIBBA (NC): Zero Percentile is the story of a survivor who continuously finds solutions to his problems, braving destiny along the way. Though thoroughly deserving he always finds destiny looking the other way. The story takes you through the life of the protagonist from the time he is born and till the time he finishes his education in Russia. Life in Russia is harsh, the climate is not conducive, you have to study as well as fend for yourself. Add to that the unstable political climate in the 90s and you are ready for a roller coaster experience.

AR: How much did the book evolve from its genesis to the final draft? Was it, in any manner, owing to market considerations?

NC: When I began to write the book I was clear about Phase II and III of the book (which cover the life of the protagonist in Russia) and that I had to convey a couple of messages to the readers such as – not getting into IIT is not the end of the road, there is life beyond IIT and the best one can do is to piece his life together and move ahead as fast as he can, one should be very careful with his sex life; and break the myth that Russia is a bad place to live in. So, keeping these things in mind I began to write. It was difficult initially to put all the ideas together as a story and so I had to do a lot of rewriting. But in the end it came out well. I will be honest with you. The book was indeed written with the intent that the reader should like it and like it to such an extent that he recommends it to others too.

AR: Which are the principal points of appreciation and criticism that the book has earned thus far?

NC: It may seem funny but the same thing has earned me both appreciation and criticism. Some people have liked that I have written the book in simple words and it is fast-paced but others have criticized the book for the very same reasons. Apart from that the story has been appreciated for the freshness it has brought to college stories and I have been overwhelmed with responses even from 60 year olds who have said that they liked the book immensely and saw some part of their own lives reflected in the story.

AR: In your opinion, does the book conform to the present style of Indian writing in English or does it add another dimension to it?

NC: There is no such thing as present style of writing. There are writers who are identified with different genres of writing and they have co-existed for a long time. What has happened now is that a new breed of authors (who do not have a literary background) have come out and started writing stories on subjects close to their hearts. The younger generation has taken a liking to them instantly and have made them into successful authors. I would love to be liked by the younger generation, but at the same time, I would like my works to be appreciated by people across different age-groups, and regular and not-so-regular readers. I am happy that I can see this happening with ZP.

AR: Do you believe that writing in English, which seems to be the natural expression for new-age authors like you, helps in acquiring more attention in India these days?

NC: Yes, like with everything else in this fast-paced world, you are bound to get instant attention if you have written a good story. But then, you are forgotten instantly too if you are not repeatedly able to come up with good quality writing every time.

AR: Do you look forward to Zero Percentile getting turned into a movie? And, do you fancy writing stories/scripts for films?

NC: Yes, that will be the culmination of my dream. If you read ZP it has all the ingredients to become a super-duper successful Bollywood film such as friendship, innocence, betrayal, struggle, mafia and off course love.

AR: Finally, tell our readers in one statement, why they should be buying your book. Also, how and where they can buy the book?

NC: You should read ZP because it is a unique story, something which has never been read before – like life outside the IIT, story of an Indian student in Russia etc. You can buy it online at Flipkart or Infibeam and at all the leading stores in India such as Crossword, Odyssey, Reliance and Landmark.

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About Neeraj Chhibba: Born and raised in New Delhi, Neeraj Chhibba considers the eternal memories of his school and college days to be the real inspiration behind hi maiden book. After doing his schooling in New Delhi, India, he went on to study engineering at Volgograd, Russia and is currently employed with a software company in Gurgaon, India.

Interestingly, (in his own words) his single biggest claim to literary honors as yet lies in a ‘Highly Commendable’ Certificate in Class X in an English Essay Competition organized by the Royal Commonwealth Society. He was the only one in New Delhi to have received it that year.

Though Neeraj believes that but for the pressure of earning bread he could have done more, the success of Zero Percentile has made sure that he is now ready to write more books.

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